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Erald Kolasi's avatar

This is an interesting post Pieter. As I understand your synthesis, you are claiming that the Marxist and institutionalist conceptions of power are different threads that can be entangled and altered through a wider coordination field or framework. Capitalists try to distort and manipulate these threads to augment their power, and they can tug at different threads depending on circumstances. They can exploit workers by restricting wages and benefits. But they can also sabotage other capitalists or potential competitors as they strive for differential accumulation. It’s basically just different patterns of power playing out in different social processes.

Let me know if that summary is right or not. If it is, I certainly think it has some merit, in the sense that you’re highlighting how differential accumulation can happen through many different methods and processes. It’s basically social agents coordinating in different ways to try and seize relative advantages. So I do think that highlights a lot of the underlying unity between the two theoretical frameworks.

I don’t know how people from either camp will take it, and I suppose it will depend on the individual person. I’ll make a few general observations though.

Nitzan and Bichler had an overly reductionist reading of Marx in their book. They focused very heavily on SNALT and highlighting the failure of the Marxist analytical framework to explain financial dynamics through SNALT (by pointing out, for example, that SNALT is unobservable). To me that critique has some merit, but it also covers like 2% of what Marx was talking about. And if we analyze that other stuff, I think a synthesis is kind of there already. Marx is very clear by Volume 3 of Capital that the competitive process is extremely important in the distribution of profits across different capitalists. He understood that the competitive dynamics of capitalism (where the Veblenian institutionalists put a lot of their focus) have a huge influence on the resulting parameters of the nominal domain. As a result, there’s no problem in a Marxist framework in saying that the profits or revenues of a particular company or a particular industry are not directly derived from the amount of labor time that went into making the products and providing the services, because any serious Marxist knows that the competitive process redistributes surplus value across the economy.

To pick one of my favorite examples, Microsoft knocked out Netscape back in the 90s in the First Browser War in large part because it offered Internet Explorer for free as part of Windows (so it just bundled it with Windows). If you read Marx like Nitzan and Bichler do, the labor theory of value would imply that there was no labor at all involved in the making of Internet Explorer! Of course, that’s not actually the case. The reality is that plenty of programmers worked really hard on it, but Microsoft could afford to take those losses because it was a huge monopolist that made its money through Windows. In other words, it covered the losses of a small corporate division via the massive gains of its core division. Those are the kinds of things that smaller companies like Netscape could not do (and still can’t). Amazon does this all the time. It routinely engages in predatory pricing on many products when it wants to eliminate a competitor, which is a very successful strategy. It doesn’t matter that it’s taking on losses for shoes or bags or whatever, because AWS is always there to rescue it. The point is, Marx and Engels understood and talked about all of these institutional dynamics extensively. The broader argument that they were making is that the ultimate social source of all economic value is human labor power, but that the political and economic dynamics of capitalism can obscure this fundamental reality. You can rightly question the empirical methods they used to make that conclusion (as Nitzan and Bichler did), but I think in general the conclusion does have a lot of merit and explains a lot about how capitalism actually works.

And in truth there’s kind of a synthesis on the CasP side as well. You see, Nitzan and Bichler developed a dialectical theory. They accept the basic Marxist premise that society has different classes locked in economic struggle. That’s what the Power Index is all about: it juxtaposes the valuation of the stock market against an index of people’s wages. And Nitzan and Bichler were clear that they did this to highlight the tensions and conflicts at the heart of capitalist society. Where they might say they differ from Marx is that they see this dialectical process of struggle and conflict playing out across a broad social sphere, as opposed to unfolding at the point of production (like the factory floor) or something like that. So for CasP, the nominal domain of money is ultimately a symbolic reflection of this bigger power process encompassing the entire social sphere. It’s not just about what’s happening in the process of production (like how much time you spent making this or that). Again, I think a fair and more complete understanding of Marx would reveal a very similar conclusion, just with an emphasis on different aspects of the story.

To circle back to everything: whether your synthesis is ultimately successful, or whether a synthesis is even needed in the first place, is heavily dependent on how you want to read both Marxism and CasP. You can interpret them in ways such that they already contain kernels of each other’s major arguments.

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